Scandale de corruption en Malaisie: l’ex-Premier ministre Razak attend son verdict

Déjà emprisonné, l’ex-Premier ministre malaisien Najib Razak doit connaître vendredi le verdict d’un nouveau procès lié au tentaculaire scandale de corruption 1MDB en Malaisie, qui risque de le maintenir pour des années derrière les barreaux.Fils de l’un des pères fondateurs de la Malaisie, l’ancien dirigeant de 72 ans est jugé pour quatre chefs d’accusation d’abus de pouvoir en lien avec des pots-de-vin présumés d’environ 2,28 milliards de ringgits (554 millions de dollars) provenant du fonds souverain malaisien 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB), ainsi que pour 21 chefs d’accusation de blanchiment d’argent.Le détournement de centaines de millions de dollars de ce fonds censé œuvrer au développement économique de la Malaisie, pour des dépenses privées comme l’achat d’un yacht géant ou des toiles de Monet ou Van Gogh, avait déclenché des enquêtes aux Etats-Unis, en Suisse et à Singapour. Le juge Collin Lawrence Sequerah rendra sa décision à partir de 09H00 (01H00 GMT) devant la Haute Cour de Kuala Lumpur réunie à Putrajaya, la capitale administrative de la Malaisie.Najib Razak, au pouvoir de 2009 à 2018, purge déjà une peine de six ans de prison après avoir été condamné dans une autre affaire liée à ce scandale. Dans son nouveau procès, chaque chef d’accusation d’abus de pouvoir est passible d’une peine pouvant aller jusqu’à 20 ans de prison et d’une amende pouvant atteindre cinq fois le montant du pot-de-vin.S’il est acquitté, il retournera à la prison de Kajang, près de Kuala Lumpur, pour purger le reste de sa peine initiale.- “Contrôle absolu” -L’ex-dirigeant malaisien a présenté des excuses pour le scandale 1MDB qui s’est déroulé pendant son mandat, mais maintient qu’il ignorait tout des transferts illégaux provenant du fonds aujourd’hui dissous.Selon le parquet, Najib Razak a pourtant profité de ses positions de Premier ministre, ministre des Finances et président du conseil consultatif du fonds pour transférer d’importantes sommes de la société vers son compte personnel il y a plus de dix ans. L’accusation a présenté des relevés bancaires, les déclarations de plus de 50 témoins et d’autres documents à charge, tout en réfutant les arguments de la défense qui imputaient au fugitif Low Taek Jho l’essentiel de la responsabilité de l’affaire. Cet homme d’affaires, longtemps très proche de Najib Razak, est considéré comme le cerveau du pillage du fonds d’investissement, mais il est actuellement en fuite.Najib Razak “se présente comme la victime de subordonnés rebelles, alors qu’en réalité il était l’unique décideur et le plus puissant”, a estimé le procureur adjoint Ahmad Akram Gharib au tribunal. “L’accusé exerçait un contrôle absolu sur les finances, l’exécutif et la politique”, a-t-il dit lors de ses plaidoiries.Les avocats de Najib Razak affirment que l’argent qui a été versé sur le compte de l’ex-Premier ministre provenait de dons du Moyen-Orient.Ils ont assuré que leur client ignorait que la direction de 1MDB travaillait main dans la main avec Low Taek Jho pour détourner d’importantes sommes d’argent du fonds.L’avocat Muhammad Shafee Abdullah a affirmé à la presse la semaine dernière que Najib Razak n’avait “jamais bénéficié d’un procès équitable” et a réitéré ses accusations contre Low Taek Jho.L’ancien dirigeant a néanmoins subi un revers lundi, se voyant refuser sa demande de commutation de sa peine existante en assignation à résidence.Une nouvelle condamnation porterait un coup supplémentaire à son influence persistante au sein du plus ancien parti politique de Malaisie, l’Organisation nationale unifiée des Malais (Umno).Le scandale a joué un rôle majeur dans la défaite aux élections de 2018 de Najib Razak et de l’Umno, qui était au pouvoir depuis l’indépendance de cette ex-colonie britannique en 1957.

Hooked on the claw: how crane games conquered Japan’s arcades

As school and work wrap up, crowds fill Tokyo’s many bustling arcade halls — not to battle it out in fighting games, but to snag plush toys from claw machines.In one of these gaming meccas in the Japanese capital’s Ikebukuro district, aisles of crane games stretch as far as the eye can see.The crown jewels of the arcade industry, they occupy the building’s first two floors, relegating video games to the basement and upper levels.”Crane games are keeping the sector afloat,” said Morihiro Shigihara, an industry expert and former arcade manager.”Arcade operators, machine manufacturers, and even prize suppliers depend on this business,” he told AFP.Some 80 percent of the 22,000 arcades Japan had in 1989 have shut down, but revenues have held up thanks to claw machines, according to the Japan Amusement Industry Association.Their share of revenue has climbed since 1993 from 20 percent to more than 60 percent, the association said.Suzuna Nogi, a 20-year-old student, visits these arcades at least twice a week in search of “big plushies” on which she can spend up to 3,000 yen ($19) at 100 yen per try.”What I like best is the sense of accomplishment,” she said, even though there is no guarantee of success.Nogi added that she enjoys “the thrill of not knowing whether you’ll manage to grab something or not”.The sensitivity of the claw arms is adjusted by operators “based on the cost of the prizes and revenue targets”, Shigihara said.”You can also make the game easier to compete with a nearby arcade.”- From cigarettes to candy -This year, the industry is officially celebrating the 60th anniversary of these construction crane-inspired machines in Japan.But they have actually been around since before World War II, said Benoit Bottos, who wrote his doctoral dissertation on the subject at Japan’s Chuo University.Older models, installed in cafes or bowling alleys, sometimes offered lighters and cigarettes, but those prizes quickly gave way to children’s candy.In the late 1980s, the machines began to gain traction, notably with game company Sega’s 1985 invention of the “UFO Catcher”, which switched up the older version that forced players to lean in and look down.”The old ones were a bit dark. So we opted for a brighter, showcase-like style where you can see the prizes right in front of you,” said Takashi Sasaya, a Sega executive.But the real stroke of genius “was putting plush toys in the claw games”, said Bottos.Manufacturing giants like Sega or Bandai, involved in both video games and toys, then began negotiating licenses for anime and manga characters, with Sega notably securing Disney rights.”That largely explains the success of these machines,” said Bottos, who describes them as “somewhere between a vending machine, a game of chance and a game of skill”.- ‘Transformation’ -The success of claw games also feeds on Japan’s booming fan culture of “oshikatsu”, with many people devoting more and more time and money to supporting their favourite idol.Part of asserting their fan identity involves collecting character merchandise.”I love Pokemon, so I often come looking for plush toys and merch from the franchise,” said professional Pokemon card player Akira Kurasaki, showing off nails decorated with his most beloved characters.Arcade operators have taken this enthusiasm to heart, tailoring their prize selections to the demographics of their neighbourhood and organising events around certain characters.”New prizes are introduced almost every day,” said Sasaya, the Sega executive.The hegemony of claw machines has also gone hand in hand with a gradual transformation of urban hangouts.Arcades — seen in the 1970s and 1980s as dark, male-dominated places linked to crime — “tried to attract a new audience” of women and families, Bottos said.”The crane game is emblematic of that transformation.”

Japan govt approves record 122 trillion yen budget

The Japanese government on Friday approved a record budget for the upcoming fiscal year, to pay for everything from bigger defence spending to ballooning social security costs as inflation persists.The 122.3-trillion-yen ($782 billion) budget for the fiscal year from April 2026 will include some nine trillion yen for defence spending, as Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi aims to accelerate Tokyo’s sweeping upgrade of its military in the face of worsening relations with China.The defence ministry said in a briefing document that “Japan faces the most severe and complex security environment since the end of the war,” stressing the need to “fundamentally strengthen” its defence capabilities. At the core of its request is 100 billion yen for the so-called SHIELD coastal defence system, which would marshal drones to block any invasion by foreign troops. Japan is hoping that SHIELD — Synchronised, Hybrid, Integrated and Enhanced Littoral Defence — will be completed by March 2028, with no details yet on which part of Japan’s coastline it will be linked to. The 122-trillion-yen figure compares with the 115 trillion yen sought for the current fiscal year to March, which was also a record. The expanding budget comes as the market worries about Takaichi’s big spending policies adding to Japan’s public debts.Japan already has the biggest ratio of debt to gross domestic product (GDP) among major economies, projected to reach 232.7 percent this year, according to the International Monetary Fund.Earlier this month parliament approved a massive extra budget, to pay for a 21.3-trillion-yen stimulus announced a month earlier.The market has reacted by driving down the value of the yen while the benchmark yield rose for Japanese government bonds. Some observers have drawn comparisons to the UK’s 2022 bond market turmoil under then-premier Liz Truss.Takaichi has advocated big government spending to spur economic growth.”What Japan needs right now is not the undermining of our strength as a nation through excessive austerity fiscal policies, but rather the bolstering of our national strength through proactive fiscal policies,” she told a press conference last week.In an interview Tuesday with the influential Nikkei business daily, Takaichi stressed her commitment to Tokyo’s fiscal health, rejecting any “irresponsible bond issuance or tax cuts.”The current size of the budget is unlikely to shock the bond market, Takahide Kiuchi, executive economist at Nomura Research Institute, wrote in a note ahead of Friday. But an increase to around 125 trillion yen or more, he said, would cause the “turmoil in the bond market, already in crisis mode, to deepen further”. Kiuchi noted that, under Takaichi, the extra budget quickly ballooned, reaching $18 trillion yen.”Financial markets are likely on high alert for a similar occurrence. Should the fall of the yen and bond prices further accelerate due to the size of the budget, it would increase worries about adverse effects on the economy and people’s lives.”A weaker yen raises prices of imports for resource-poor Japan, which relies heavily on foreign food, energy and raw materials to power its economy. Takaichi came to power in October with a pledge to fight inflation after anger over rising prices.Another challenge facing the country is its ageing population, caused by chronically low birth rates and a cautious approach to immigration.The draft budget needs to be approved by parliament.

Stateless Rohingya rue Myanmar’s election from exile

Myanmar’s military portrays its general election as a path to democracy and peace, but the vote offers neither to a million Rohingya exiles, robbed of citizenship rights and evicted from their homeland by force.”How can you call this an election when the inhabitants are gone and a war is raging?” said 51-year-old Kabir Ahmed in Bangladesh’s Kutupalong, the world’s largest refugee camp complex.Heavily restricted polls are due to start Sunday in areas of Myanmar governed by the military, which snatched power in a 2021 coup that triggered civil war.But for the Rohingya minority, violence began well before that, with a military crackdown in 2017 sending legions of the mostly Muslim group fleeing Myanmar’s Rakhine state to neighbouring Muslim-majority Bangladesh.The month-long election will be the third national poll since they were stripped of their voting rights a decade ago, but comes amid a fresh exodus fuelled by the all-out war.Ahmed once served as chairman of a villageof more than 8,000 Rohingya in Myanmar’s Maungdaw township, just over the border from Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh.After their eviction, the area is now a “wasteland”, he told AFP.”Who will appear on the ballot?” he asked.”Who is going to vote?”- ‘Send us back’ -Today 1.17 million Rohingya live crammed in dilapidated camps spread over 8,000 acres in Cox’s Bazar.The majority came in the 2017 crackdown, which is now the subject of a UN genocide court case, with allegations of rampant rape, executions and arson.Civil war has brought fresh violence, with the Rohingya caught between the warring military and separatist group the Arakan Army, one of the many factions challenging the junta’s rule.Both forces have committed atrocities against the Rohingya, monitors say.Some 150,000 people fled the persecution to Bangladesh in the 18 months to July, according to UN analysis.The UN refugee agency said it was the largest surge in arrivals since 2017.Aged 18, Mohammad Rahim would have been eligible to vote this year — if he was back home, if his country acknowledged his citizenship, and if polling went ahead despite the war.”I just want the war to end and for steps to be taken to send us back to Myanmar,” said Rahim, the eldest of four siblings who have all grown up in the squalid camps.The Arakan Army controls all but three of Rakhine’s 17 townships, according to conflict monitors, meaning the military’s long-promised polls are likely to be extremely limited there.The military has blockaded the coastal western state, driving a stark hunger and humanitarian crisis.Rahim still craves a homecoming.”If I were a citizen, I would negotiate for my rights. I could vote,” he said.”I would have the right to education, vote for whoever I wanted, and work towards a better future.”- Fate ‘unchanged’ -Successive military and civilian governments in Myanmar have eroded the citizenship of the Rohingya, dubbing them “Bengali” as descendants of immigrants who arrived during British colonial rule.A 1982 law excluded them from full citizenship — unlike the other 135 ethnic groups recognised in Myanmar — and they were issued separate ID cards.They were then deprived of the right to vote in 2015, just as most other people in Myanmar won more freedoms and military rule was relaxed.”Will anyone who wins recognise us as citizens?” asked 52-year-old refugee Rehana Bibi.”We are not a concern for anyone in Myanmar,” the mother of six lamented in her tarpaulin-covered hut.”Whether military-backed candidates or others win, the fate of the Rohingyas will remain unchanged.”In July, for the first time since their influx began eight years ago, Rohingyas held an election for their representatives inside 33 camps in Cox’s Bazar.”We printed ballot papers and ran awareness programmes on democracy with the hope that someday we would return home and practise it there,” said 33-year-old community leader Sayed Ullah.Ahmed, the exiled village chairman, still dreams of an election back home.”I was a teacher, but my people wanted me to lead them,” he said. “I won three times straight.””I am sure I would win again if only I got the chance,” he said, his face lighting up.